A Genealogy of Drug Abuse and Addiction by Wayne Martin Mellinger, Ph.D.

 

ON THE GENEALOGY OF DRUG ABUSE AND ADDICTION

Wayne Martin Mellinger, Ph.D.

[Originally written in 2007;p substantially revised in 2024]

ABSTRACT

This paper presents a genealogical analysis of drug use and addiction, tracing their historical evolution across different modes of production, from forager societies to late modernity. Drawing inspiration from Nietzsche and Foucault, it challenges linear historical narratives and examines how economic structures, cultural practices, and power dynamics shape humanity's relationship with psychoactive substances. The study critiques the modern framing of addiction as an individual pathology and reorients the discussion to consider broader sociohistorical patterns.  Key themes include the sacred use of substances in forager societies, the hierarchical control introduced during the agricultural revolution, the commodification of drugs under industrial capitalism, and the alienation characteristic of modern substance use. It introduces Critical Drug Use Theory (CDUT), integrating insights from anthropology, sociology, and history, to highlight how social contexts and assemblages of material, cultural, and social elements define substance use patterns.  The paper critiques prohibitionist ideologies and explores the resurgence of psychedelics in contemporary therapeutic contexts, advocating for harm reduction and a reclamation of traditional wisdom. By understanding addiction as a systemic phenomenon rooted in alienation, commodification, and disconnection, the study calls for alternative frameworks that integrate the sacred and communal dimensions of substance use.

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION

Anthony Giddens argues that addiction is a modern invention that can only be understood in terms of a society in which tradition has been swept away more thoroughly than ever before (Giddens 1991). To understand what these traditions were we must delve a bit into the history and anthropology of human societies. To that end we shall briefly explore the nature of intoxicant use in different societies throughout human history.

This paper adopts a genealogical approach, inspired by the methodologies of Friedrich Nietzsche and Michel Foucault, to explore the historical transformations in human substance use across different modes of production. Genealogy, as a critical framework, seeks to unravel the contingent and often contradictory processes through which modern understandings of drug use and addiction have emerged. This method challenges linear historical narratives, instead emphasizing the ruptures, power dynamics, and cultural negotiations that have shaped humanity’s relationship with psychoactive substances.

While contemporary discussions of drug use usually focus on addiction as an individual pathology, this paper reorients the analysis to consider broader sociohistorical patterns. By tracing substance use across forager, agricultural, industrial, and late modern modes of production, the study demonstrates how shifting economic structures, social relations, and cultural practices have influenced both the meanings and practices of drug use.

Critical Drug Use Theory (CDUT) provides the backbone of this analysis, integrating insights from anthropology, sociology, history, and critical theory. CDUT posits that substance use is a universal human behavior, shaped not only by individual psychology or neurobiology but also by cultural contexts, economic systems, and power relations (Winkelman, 2010; Zinberg, 1984). It emphasizes the historical construction of categories such as “use,” “abuse,” and “addiction,” revealing them as products of specific social and political conditions rather than timeless truths.

For instance, anthropologists like Michael Winkelman highlight the integrative roles of substances in forager societies, where altered states of consciousness were often seen as gateways to spiritual and communal enrichment. Conversely, the rise of agricultural and industrial societies brought new forms of regulation, commodification, and alienation, transforming substances from sacred tools into commercial commodities (Ott, 1996; Bauman, 2000).

Genealogy does not seek origins or causal explanations but rather investigates how particular practices and discourses have emerged through historical contingencies. In this context, the paper asks:

• How have different modes of production shaped patterns of substance use?

• What roles have substances played in spiritual, social, and economic life across these eras?

• How have power dynamics and institutional frameworks (e.g., the state, religion, medicine) influenced the regulation and understanding of substances?

Drawing from Foucault’s concept of biopolitics, the paper examines how the state and other institutions have sought to manage populations by controlling drug use. The criminalization of certain substances, for example, reflects broader strategies to regulate morality, labor productivity, and social order (Foucault, 1978; Alexander, 2008).

This study is not merely an exploration of addiction but a broader investigation into the cultural, economic, and political contexts that shape substance use. By examining drug use through the lens of historical modes of production, the paper reveals:

• How forager societies integrated substances into rituals that reinforced ecological harmony and social cohesion.

• How agricultural societies introduced hierarchical and restrictive frameworks that often suppressed communal substance use practices.

• How industrial capitalism commodified substances, leading to new patterns of abuse and alienation.

• How contemporary globalized systems have exacerbated commodification while also fostering harm reduction and therapeutic approaches.

In doing so, the paper advocates for a more nuanced understanding of substance use, one that transcends moralistic or reductive medical paradigms. Instead, it highlights the potential of controlled and intentional substance use, drawing lessons from historical practices and contemporary harm reduction models (van Leeuwen, 2016; Giddens, 1991).

The paper is organized chronologically, with each section devoted to a specific mode of production. It begins with the integrative and sacred uses of substances in forager societies, moves through the agricultural and industrial revolutions, and concludes with the challenges and opportunities of late modernity. Each era is analyzed in terms of its unique assemblages—complex networks of material, social, and cultural relationships that shape substance use patterns (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987).

By tracing these transformations, the paper offers a genealogy of drug use that illuminates not only the historical trajectories of substances but also the enduring human quest for altered states of consciousness. This “will to party,” as Mellinger (2024) describes it, reflects a deeply rooted aspect of human nature—one that has been expressed, regulated, and reimagined in myriad ways across time.

CRITICAL DRUG USE THEORY

Critical Drug Use Theory (CDUT) provides a comprehensive lens for analyzing the complex interplay between human societies, psychoactive substances, and the broader socio-economic structures in which they exist. Grounded in historical materialism, assemblage theory, and cultural anthropology, CDUT moves beyond reductionist or medicalized conceptions of substance use. It emphasizes that patterns of drug consumption and their social meanings are deeply embedded within the economic, cultural, and political frameworks of specific historical epochs.

CDUT draws on historical materialism, as articulated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, to examine how shifts in modes of production—systems that organize labor, resources, and social relations—shape human behavior, including drug use. Marx’s distinction between the economic "base" (the material and productive forces of society) and the "superstructure" (ideologies, institutions, and cultural norms) underscores how drug use is not simply an individual phenomenon but is historically contingent, shaped by economic structures and power dynamics (Marx & Engels, 1848).

Marshall Sahlins' work on the "original affluent society" in forager economies highlights how economic organization drives cultural and social practices, including rituals involving psychoactive substances (Sahlins, 1972). Marvin Harris's cultural materialism similarly emphasizes how material conditions shape cultural expressions, providing a useful comparison for understanding the interplay between economic systems and drug use (Harris, 1979).

Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of assemblages further enriches CDUT. Assemblages are dynamic networks of relationships between material, social, and symbolic components (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). Applied to substance use, assemblage theory highlights how drugs, users, rituals, social norms, and regulatory frameworks interact to produce specific patterns of behavior. For example, the sacred use of entheogens in forager societies emerges from an assemblage that includes ecological knowledge, communal rituals, and shamanic wisdom. 

Conversely, modern industrial societies produce assemblages characterized by commodification, alienation, and prohibitionist policies.

Substance use itself is not a fixed category but a contingent outcome of shifting assemblages. Key elements of these assemblages include:

• Material components: The substances themselves, their pharmacological properties, and methods of preparation.

• Expressive components: Cultural narratives, myths, and stigmas surrounding substances.

• Social components: Regulatory systems, communal practices, and market dynamics.

• Spatial and temporal contexts: The environments and historical conditions under which substances are consumed.

Zinberg’s concept of "set and setting" offers a useful lens for understanding these assemblages, emphasizing how individual psychology ("set") and the socio-cultural environment ("setting") interact to shape drug experiences (Zinberg, 1984).

CDUT situates substance use within the transformations of modes of production, from forager economies to late modern capitalism.

Foragers integrated psychoactive substances into communal and spiritual practices, guided by shamanic wisdom traditions. These assemblages featured:

• Communal rituals that reinforced social cohesion.

• Shamanic expertise in the preparation and use of psychoactive plants (Winkelman, 2010).

• Ecological sustainability, ensuring respectful use of natural resources. Addiction, as understood in modern contexts, was virtually nonexistent due to the protective frameworks of ritual and social cohesion (Siegel, 1989).

The rise of agricultural economies introduced stratification and control over substance use. Assemblages became hierarchical, with substances often monopolized by elites or restricted through religious doctrines. Jonathan Ott’s concept of the "pharmacratic inquisition" describes how dominant institutions suppressed traditional uses of entheogens, replacing communal practices with state-controlled religious rituals (Ott, 1996).

Industrial capitalism deterritorialized traditional substance use practices, transforming drugs into market commodities. The alienation of industrial labor and urban life created conditions for problematic substance use. Assemblages in this era were characterized by:

• Commodification: Substances like alcohol and tobacco became globally traded goods.

• Stigmatization: The moral and legal framing of certain drugs as deviant.

• Alienation: Workers sought solace in substances as a response to exploitative labor conditions (Bauman, 2000).

In late modernity, assemblages of substance use have become increasingly complex, shaped by:

Synthetic substances: The rise of designer drugs like fentanyl and synthetic cannabinoids challenges traditional regulatory frameworks (Winkelman, 2019).

Digital economies: Online markets and dark web platforms facilitate drug distribution, creating new assemblages of users, substances, and technologies (Dwyer & Moore, 2021).

Globalization: The interconnectedness of markets and cultures has blurred traditional boundaries, with substances like ayahuasca becoming commodities in global spiritual tourism (Labate & Cavnar, 2014).

CDUT incorporates Foucauldian insights into biopolitics, revealing how state and institutional power shape assemblages of substance use. Drug policies, from colonial opium regulations to the contemporary War on Drugs, reflect broader strategies of governance that regulate populations and reinforce social hierarchies (Foucault, 1977). The racialized criminalization of substances like crack cocaine in the United States exemplifies how power operates within these assemblages (Alexander, 2010).

CDUT advocates for reclaiming traditional practices of controlled substance use, drawing on shamanic wisdom traditions and harm reduction principles. By understanding the assemblages that enable responsible use—such as rituals, community frameworks, and intentionality—modern societies can address the alienation and stigma that fuel addiction. Recent research into psychedelics as therapeutic tools reflects a growing recognition of the value of these approaches (Carhart-Harris & Nutt, 2017).

Critical Drug Use Theory provides a dynamic framework for understanding the historical and cultural contingencies of substance use. By integrating historical materialism, assemblage theory, and interdisciplinary insights, it challenges reductionist models and highlights the transformative potential of re-integrating traditional wisdom into contemporary approaches to substance use.

HISTORICAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN DRUG USE

Humanity’s relationship with psychoactive substances is as ancient as our species itself. Anthropologists suggest that for over 100,000 years, humans have engaged in practices of altering consciousness. This universal drive to seek altered states, as Andrew Weil hypothesizes, is an innate and adaptive aspect of human nature—what he calls the “fourth drive,” alongside hunger, thirst, and sex (Weil, 1972). Evidence from the animal kingdom, such as elephants consuming fermented fruit and jaguars chewing psychoactive roots, underscores that this behavior is not unique to humans but reflects a broader evolutionary pattern (Siegel, 1989).

For 90% of human existence, people lived as foragers, subsisting through hunting, gathering, and fishing. These societies were small, egalitarian, and deeply connected to their environments, offering profound insights into the origins of substance use. Anthropological studies of extant forager groups, such as the !Kung San of Southern Africa, reveal how psychoactive plants were integrated into rituals that reinforced communal cohesion and ecological balance (Lee & DeVore, 1968). The use of entheogens—plants that induce altered states of consciousness—was a cornerstone of shamanic traditions, providing a means for spiritual exploration, healing, and social bonding.

As human societies transitioned from foraging to agriculture, the role and perception of psychoactive substances underwent significant transformations. The domestication of plants and animals enabled the stratification of substance use, with certain drugs restricted to elites or religious specialists, while others were demonized. Jonathan Ott describes this as the advent of the “pharmacratic inquisition,” where centralized power sought to suppress indigenous entheogenic practices in favor of institutionalized religious and political control (Ott, 1996).

The industrial era marked yet another profound shift, as substances like alcohol, tobacco, and opium became commodified and mass-produced. Stripped of their ritualistic and communal contexts, these substances were consumed in increasingly alienated environments, contributing to the rise of addiction as a widespread social issue. Zygmunt Bauman’s concept of “liquid modernity” offers a critical lens here, describing how the disconnection and instability of modern life drive individuals toward substances as coping mechanisms (Bauman, 2000).

This historical analysis situates substance use within broader socio-economic transformations, demonstrating how patterns of drug use are deeply entwined with shifts in modes of production. From the communal and sacred practices of foraging societies to the commodified and alienated consumption of industrial modernity, the evolution of human-substance relationships reflects the changing assemblages of people, substances, environments, and power structures. Understanding these transformations is essential for addressing contemporary issues of addiction and exploring pathways toward more intentional and integrated approaches to substance use.

FORAGERS AND CONTROLLED USE

Foraging societies, which characterized the vast majority of human history, cultivated a profoundly integrated relationship with psychoactive substances. These small, egalitarian groups, often described as immediate-return economies, relied on cooperative labor and extensive ecological knowledge to navigate their environments. Within this framework, psychoactive plants served not only as tools for survival but as sacred conduits for spiritual exploration, communal bonding, and ecological attunement. Anthropological evidence indicates that early humans across diverse ecosystems identified and utilized naturally occurring psychoactive plants in ways that were both intentional and deeply embedded in ritual practices (Winkelman, 2010; Lee & DeVore, 1968).

Anthropologist Michael Winkelman describes forager societies as developing what he calls the “integrative mode of consciousness,” a state facilitated by shamanic practices and the use of psychoactive substances. Substances such as ayahuasca, peyote, and iboga were central to these traditions, enabling altered states of consciousness that enhanced social cohesion, provided tools for divination, and reinforced connections to the natural world. Winkelman notes that “shamanism represents a biopsychosocial paradigm that integrates these states into adaptive practices for personal and communal well-being” (Winkelman, 2010). These altered states were not merely individual experiences but collective rituals, ensuring that the insights gained were shared and integrated into the tribe’s cultural fabric.

Psychoactive plants were regarded as “plant teachers” in many foraging cultures—sacred allies that offered guidance in navigating the mysteries of life. Their use was governed by what I term the Shamanic Wisdom Tradition, an intergenerational body of knowledge encompassing precise practices for harvesting, preparation, and consumption. Shamans, as "technicians of the sacred," were pivotal figures in these communities, serving as intermediaries between the human and spiritual realms. They ensured that substance use was carefully contextualized within rituals, emphasizing what modern researchers like Norman Zinberg later articulated as the importance of “set and setting” in shaping psychoactive experiences (Zinberg, 1984). These principles reflected a deep understanding of how individual mindset and social context influenced the outcomes of altered states.

The substances used by foragers varied widely, reflecting the ecological diversity of their environments. Among the most notable examples are:

• Ayahuasca: Used by Amazonian peoples for healing and spiritual exploration.

• Peyote: Central to the rituals of indigenous groups in North America, promoting communal harmony and resilience.

• Iboga: Revered in West Africa for its role in initiatory rites and therapeutic practices.

These substances were not consumed casually but within highly structured rituals that emphasized collective intention and transformation. As Winkelman (2010) observes, up to 90% of forager societies employed such ritualized means of altering consciousness, underscoring the near-universality of these practices.

Several factors distinguished foragers’ substance use from the problematic patterns observed in modern societies. Foragers’ intimate connection to their environments fostered a worldview rooted in balance and respect. This ecological consciousness permeated their relationships with psychoactive substances, which were treated as sacred resources rather than commodities. Communal frameworks provided accountability and shared meaning, further mitigating the risks of misuse or overindulgence.

Ritual practices served as both protective and integrative mechanisms. Through song, dance, and other collective activities, participants were prepared for the altered states induced by substances and supported in processing their experiences. This sacred framing of substance use imbued these practices with intentionality, ensuring that psychoactive plants were tools for healing and insight rather than sources of harm.

The absence of addiction in forager societies—at least as it is understood in modern contexts—is a testament to the effectiveness of these protective frameworks. Addiction is often linked to alienation, a phenomenon virtually absent in forager societies, where communal bonds and ecological harmony provided a robust foundation for psychological well-being. By examining these traditions, we can glean valuable insights into alternative approaches to substance use.

The Shamanic Wisdom Tradition underscores the importance of context, community, and reverence in shaping human relationships with psychoactive substances. These practices remind us that substances themselves are neither inherently harmful nor beneficial; rather, their effects depend on the frameworks within which they are used. For contemporary societies grappling with addiction crises, reclaiming elements of these traditions may offer pathways toward more intentional and transformative approaches to substance use.

THE CONTROLLED USE OF SACRED PLANTS

The controlled use of psychoactive plants in traditional societies was deeply embedded within shamanistic frameworks of religion and healing. Shamanism, often regarded as humanity’s earliest form of spirituality, is found across diverse tribal cultures worldwide, spanning at least 40,000 years (Winkelman, 2010). At its core, shamanism integrated medicine, spirituality, and communal bonding, with shamans serving as "technicians of the sacred" (Eliade, 1964). Through rituals involving entheogens, rhythmic drumming, fasting, and trance dances, shamans facilitated profound transformations, healing processes, and spiritual revelations within their communities.

Shamans used psychoactive substances—commonly referred to as "entheogens"—to induce altered states of consciousness (ASCs), which enabled journeys to the "Other World." In these states, shamans interacted with spirit allies, retrieved lost souls, interpreted dreams, and sought guidance for healing and divination. These experiences, known as “shamanic states of consciousness” (SSCs), were facilitated through carefully structured rituals that integrated the individual’s subjective experience with the collective needs of the tribe (Winkelman, 2010).

For many indigenous cultures, entheogens such as ayahuasca, peyote, and iboga were considered "plant teachers" that revealed sacred truths and offered insights into the human condition. These substances were not seen as recreational tools but as allies in navigating the mysteries of existence. The shamanic tradition’s accumulated knowledge ensured that their use was both intentional and transformative, guided by a precise understanding of dosage, preparation, and ritual context.

The ritual use of entheogens reflects a sacred balance between the Apollonian and Dionysian orientations described by Friedrich Nietzsche. Apollonian values, emphasizing harmony, order, and tradition, were complemented by Dionysian principles of ecstasy, frenzy, and sensuality. This duality, deeply rooted in shamanic practices, allowed societies to explore and integrate both controlled structure and liberating chaos. Rituals provided a framework for navigating these extremes, enabling individuals and communities to experience profound spiritual and emotional catharsis while maintaining social cohesion.

The success of traditional societies in integrating psychoactive substances lay in their highly structured social controls. Anthropologists such as Norman Zinberg (1984) and Michael Winkelman (2010) highlight the importance of "set and setting" in shaping the outcomes of substance use. These principles were deeply ingrained in shamanic rituals:

• Set: The psychological mindset of the individual, prepared through fasting, meditation, or ceremonial activities.

• Setting: The social and environmental context, including the presence of a skilled shaman, sacred objects, and communal participation.

These rituals served as harm reduction measures, ensuring that the use of powerful substances was purposeful and meaningful. For instance, Amazonian ayahuasca ceremonies often involved group chanting and symbolic journeys, while Bwiti rituals in Gabon used iboga to facilitate spiritual initiation and healing. In North America, the Native American Church’s use of peyote continues to emphasize communal harmony and spiritual connection.

Shamanic rituals reinforced cultural norms and values, providing a protective framework against misuse. By ritualizing the procurement, administration, and aftermath of substance use, traditional societies minimized risks and maximized communal benefits. The presence of experienced shamans as guides further ensured that participants were supported throughout their journeys, fostering transformative experiences that were integrated into the community’s spiritual and social life.

In stark contrast, modern societies often lack the cultural frameworks and social controls that once governed the use of psychoactive substances. The commodification of drugs in industrial and post-industrial economies has stripped them of their sacred and communal contexts, reducing them to objects of unregulated consumption. Without the guidance of shamans or the grounding of ritual practices, substances that once facilitated healing and spiritual growth have become sources of harm, addiction, and alienation.

This divergence underscores the critical importance of social and cultural frameworks in shaping human relationships with psychoactive substances. Traditional societies offer a model for controlled use, where rituals, norms, and collective values mitigate the risks of substance use while fostering its potential benefits. As modern public health approaches grapple with addiction and misuse, the wisdom of these practices—rooted in thousands of years of human experience—provides valuable insights into harm reduction and intentionality.

Ethnographic Examples

Traditional practices of controlled substance use are well-documented in ethnographic literature, showcasing how psychoactive substances were embedded within rituals and social frameworks to ensure their safe and transformative use. These examples highlight the diversity of these practices and their profound cultural significance:

• Amazonian Ayahuasca Ceremonies: Ayahuasca, a brew made from the Banisteriopsis caapi vine and other plants, has been used for centuries by indigenous peoples of the Amazon basin. These ceremonies, often led by shamans, involve structured rituals of preparation, ingestion, and post-ceremony integration. Participants consume ayahuasca to facilitate spiritual exploration, emotional healing, and ecological connection. Anthropologist Michael Winkelman (2010) emphasizes that these rituals rely on "psychointegrative practices" to harmonize individual and communal experiences, minimizing harm and enhancing benefits. Studies by Luis Eduardo Luna and Dennis McKenna (1998) document the central role of shamans in guiding participants through the altered states induced by ayahuasca, ensuring that these experiences are grounded in cultural and spiritual contexts.

• Bwiti Iboga Rituals in Gabon: The Bwiti religion of Gabon incorporates iboga, a psychoactive plant root, into its initiation rites and healing practices. Iboga is revered for its ability to facilitate deep spiritual insight, self-exploration, and communal bonding. Bwiti ceremonies often involve fasting, singing, drumming, and the guidance of experienced practitioners, who help participants navigate the intense altered states produced by iboga. Anthropologist James Fernandez (1982) describes these rituals as a means of fostering communal cohesion and individual transformation, with iboga serving as a sacred tool for reconnecting with ancestral wisdom and spiritual clarity.

• Peyote Use in the Native American Church: Peyote, a psychoactive cactus, has been central to the spiritual practices of many indigenous groups in North America. The Native American Church integrates peyote into prayer meetings focused on healing, unity, and spiritual renewal. These ceremonies are highly ritualized, with specific songs, prayers, and symbolic objects used to create a sacred space. Anthropologist Weston La Barre (1975) highlights the role of peyote in fostering communal harmony and spiritual insight, while Edward F. Anderson (1996) documents its significance in connecting participants to a sense of divine presence and collective purpose.

These examples demonstrate the critical role of ritual and social controls in ensuring the safe and meaningful use of psychoactive substances. They reflect a shared understanding across diverse cultures that such substances, when approached with reverence and structure, can serve as powerful tools for healing, transformation, and social cohesion.  Modern societies, by rediscovering these principles, can explore alternative approaches to addressing addiction and substance misuse. The shamanic arts offer a powerful model for harm reduction, emphasizing the integration of set, setting, and ritual to create meaningful and safe experiences.

FORAGER WHOLENESS, CONNECTEDNESS AND THE SELF

Forager societies, which constituted the majority of human history, operated within a distinctive mode of production characterized by cooperative subsistence strategies, ecological intimacy, and integrated social frameworks. These societies shaped human evolutionary and psychological foundations, offering a contrast to the hierarchical and alienating structures that emerged in later historical eras.

Foragers relied on collective labor practices for food procurement and resource extraction, ensuring an egalitarian approach to economic survival. Archaeological and anthropological evidence indicates that foragers typically worked 2-4 hours daily to meet their basic needs, a pattern described by Marshall Sahlins as the "original affluent society" [Sahlins, 1972]. The remaining time was dedicated to social interaction, artistic expression, ritual, and leisure [Lee & Daly, 2004]. This immediate-return economic model minimized social stratification, as resources were consumed shortly after procurement, preventing the accumulation of wealth and the formation of rigid hierarchies [Woodburn, 1982].

Foragers' labor was deeply meaningful, blurring the lines between practical activities and creative or ritualistic expression. Tasks like hunting, gathering, and tool-making were integrated into cultural and spiritual life, fostering a sense of purpose and connection [Gowdy, 1998].

The forager mode of production generated a distinctive psychological experience. Individuals were deeply embedded within communal and ecological networks, resulting in:

• Minimal status differentiation [Woodburn, 1982]

• High individual autonomy within collective frameworks [Lee & Daly, 2004]

• Flexible gender roles, with men and women contributing to subsistence strategies [Wrangham & Peterson, 1996]

• Comprehensive ecological knowledge adapted to diverse environments [Berkes, 2012]

• Effective social technologies for conflict resolution [Boehm, 1993]

• Kinship structures extended beyond biological ties, forming extensive social networks grounded in reciprocity and mutual aid [Barnard, 2011]. These networks ensured material and emotional security, linking individual well-being to collective survival [Ingold, 1999]. The forager "self" was not isolated but embedded within these communal and ecological systems, providing a profound sense of purpose and belonging [Turnbull, 1961].

Religious practices in forager societies were deeply entwined with material survival and ecological understanding. Spiritual cosmologies emphasized harmony with nature and the sacredness of the cosmos [Harrod, 1992]. Rituals surrounding hunting, gathering, and seasonal observances reflected this worldview, integrating subsistence activities with sacred practices [Eliade, 1964].

Unlike the fragmented and alienated self of modern societies, the "primitive self" was secure and connected. Pre-modern societies operated on the basis of unquestioned religious cosmologies that provided ontological security [Berger & Luckmann, 1966]. Tradition ordered time, offering predictable life-course paths and limiting existential uncertainty [Durkheim, 1912]. This communal grounding made addiction—a maladaptive coping strategy incompatible with the primitive life project—virtually nonexistent [Winkelman, 2010].

Psychoactive plants, or entheogens, played a central role in the spiritual practices of forager societies. These substances were revered as "plant teachers," consumed within ritualized contexts to foster healing, divination, and social cohesion [Ott, 1993]. Shamans, acting as "technicians of the sacred," guided participants through altered states of consciousness (ASCs) using techniques such as rhythmic drumming, chanting, and fasting [Winkelman, 2010]. Anthropologist Michael Winkelman emphasizes that these shamanic practices activated an "integrative mode of consciousness," enhancing individual and communal well-being [Winkelman, 2010].

The controlled use of psychoactive substances was embedded in a framework of rituals and social norms that minimized harm and maximized benefits. These rituals reinforced social cohesion, maintained ecological balance, and mitigated the risks of misuse [Zinberg, 1984]. Addiction, as understood in modern contexts, was virtually absent due to the protective frameworks of shamanic wisdom and the communal regulation of substance use [Ott, 1993].

Forager societies offer valuable insights for contemporary discussions on substance use and addiction. Their integrative practices underscore the importance of:

• Communal frameworks that promote accountability and shared meaning [Woodburn, 1982]

• Ritualized approaches that emphasize intentionality and integration [Zinberg, 1984]

• Ecological consciousness that fosters respect and balance [Ingold, 1999]

By understanding how early societies harmonized substance use with communal and spiritual life, we can reimagine approaches to modern addiction that prioritize connection, purpose, and sacred intention.

THE BIRTH OF AGRICULTURE

The Neolithic Revolution, which began around 9000 BCE, marked one of the most profound transitions in human history. The development of agriculture fundamentally transformed humanity's relationship to labor, social organization, and the natural world, establishing hierarchical structures, property ownership, and intensified labor regimes that contrasted sharply with the egalitarian and communal frameworks of forager societies. These shifts laid the groundwork for the rise of civilizations and the emergence of what Riane Eisler has termed "dominator cultures," which replaced earlier "partnership cultures" based on equality and harmony with the environment (Eisler, 1987).

Agriculture catalyzed a shift from the nomadic lifestyles of hunter-gatherers to the establishment of permanent settlements. This sedentary existence enabled material accumulation, population concentration, and the formation of complex social structures. Villages grew into cities, which became centers of cultural, political, and economic activity. However, this transition came at a significant ecological cost. Practices such as deforestation, soil cultivation, and irrigation permanently altered ecosystems, leading to long-term challenges like soil degradation and habitat loss (Harris, 1979).

The agricultural mode of production also introduced fundamental changes in labor. Where foragers worked only a few hours a day to meet their needs, agricultural societies required intensive and regimented labor cycles tied to seasonal rhythms. This shift increased daily labor hours, often requiring 8–12 hours of work, leaving less time for leisure, creativity, and communal activities (Sahlins, 1972).

Agriculture introduced the concept of surplus production, allowing societies to sustain non-productive classes such as administrators, warriors, and religious specialists. This development enhanced societal complexity but also entrenched economic inequalities. Landowners, priests, and rulers consolidated wealth and power, creating rigid hierarchies that contrasted sharply with the egalitarian structures of forager societies (Engels, 1884).

The Neolithic era saw the formalization of property relations, with landownership, inheritance, and wealth accumulation becoming central organizing principles. These changes solidified the foundations of patriarchy, as men dominated agricultural labor and property ownership, while women’s roles were increasingly confined to domestic spheres (Lerner, 1986). This transition toppled earlier goddess-centered and earth-affirming spiritualities, replacing them with patriarchal monotheistic systems that emphasized control and domination over nature (Eisler, 1987).

The hierarchical structures of agricultural societies extended into religious and political institutions. Patriarchal monotheism, embodied by religions like Christianity, worked in tandem with centralized states to suppress shamanistic cultures. This suppression, described by Jonathan Ott as the "pharmacratic inquisition," systematically demonized and outlawed traditional entheogenic practices, severing humanity's connection to the sacred dimensions of psychoactive substances (Ott, 1996).

The agricultural revolution spurred significant technological and intellectual innovations. Crop domestication, irrigation systems, and advanced tools revolutionized food production, enabling larger and more stable communities. Animal husbandry provided labor, transportation, and food, while innovations in storage and preservation addressed the challenges of surplus management. Writing systems, early mathematics, and monumental architecture emerged to manage and organize these increasingly complex societies (Harris, 1979).

These advancements, however, were accompanied by intensified control over both individuals and nature. Formalized religions and legal systems replaced participatory, shamanic traditions, centralizing authority in priestly and administrative elites. Social roles became rigid, reducing personal autonomy and adaptability while fostering disconnection and alienation (Bauman, 2000).

Agriculture fundamentally redefined humanity's relationship with the environment. No longer viewed as sacred, nature was increasingly treated as a resource to be controlled and exploited. This shift led to large-scale environmental transformations, including deforestation, monoculture practices, and soil erosion. The resulting ecological instability often undermined the sustainability of agricultural societies (Diamond, 2005).

The transition also introduced new vulnerabilities, such as dependency on monocultures and susceptibility to food shortages. Dense settlements facilitated the spread of infectious diseases, while economic inequalities and labor demands exacerbated social tensions.

The spiritual and cultural dimensions of agricultural societies reflected their hierarchical structures. Religious practices shifted from participatory, nature-based traditions to centralized systems controlled by priestly elites. These systems often framed the natural world as subordinate to divine will, further reinforcing exploitative attitudes toward the environment. Friedrich Nietzsche's distinction between Apollonian and Dionysian cultural orientations highlights the suppression of sensuous, ecstatic experiences in favor of rigid, hierarchical order (Nietzsche, 1872).

Riane Eisler’s concept of dominator cultures encapsulates the patriarchal and authoritarian dynamics of agricultural societies. These cultures emphasized control, coercion, and inequality, contrasting sharply with the partnership models of forager societies. The guiding principles of dominator cultures—sexism, racism, ethical imperialism, and violent coercion—profoundly shaped human relationships to labor, nature, and each other. This transition marked the birth of "civilization" but at significant human and ecological cost (Eisler, 1987).

The agricultural mode of production represented a profound restructuring of human society, transforming labor, social organization, and ecological relationships. While it laid the foundation for civilizations and technological advancements, it also introduced entrenched inequalities, ecological disruptions, and psychological alienation. These dynamics would influence subsequent economic and social systems, shaping the trajectory of human development for millennia. By understanding the historical impact of agriculture, we can better appreciate its role in shaping contemporary patterns of substance use and social organization.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE STATE

Early human societies were predominantly acephalous, lacking centralized leadership or formal state structures. Anthropologist Pierre Clastres, in his seminal work Society Against the State, challenges the traditional view that such societies were "undeveloped." Clastres argues that many deliberately resisted state formation, valuing egalitarianism, communal autonomy, and the absence of hierarchical control (Clastres, 1977). However, with the advent of agriculture, increasing population density, and resource centralization, the emergence of states became a defining feature of human social organization.

The rise of the state profoundly transformed human relationships with labor, land, spirituality, and psychoactive substances. Centralized authorities imposed new hierarchies and regulations, altering the communal and sacred dimensions of substance use that had defined earlier forager societies.

As states solidified power, they sought to regulate spiritual practices, often suppressing shamanic traditions that emphasized individual and communal access to altered states of consciousness. Jonathan Ott describes this suppression as part of the "pharmacratic inquisition," wherein religious and political authorities sought to control psychoactive substances and monopolize spiritual power (Ott, 1996). Shamanic practices, which relied on substances like ayahuasca, peyote, and psilocybin mushrooms, often stood in opposition to state religions, which prioritized obedience to institutional hierarchies over direct spiritual experience.

Historical Examples

The suppression and regulation of entheogenic practices can be observed across early state societies:

• Mesopotamia: Alcohol was tightly controlled within temple economies, with its production and trade regulated by priestly elites. Other psychoactive substances, when used, were similarly restricted to religious functions under state oversight (Postgate, 1992).

• Egypt: Ritual use of psychoactive substances, such as blue lotus (Nymphaea caerulea), was reserved for the priestly class, limiting access to the broader population (Pinch, 1994). Such substances were integral to state-sponsored ceremonies, reinforcing hierarchical spiritual systems.

• Mesoamerica: In Aztec society, substances like peyote and teonanácatl (psilocybin mushrooms) were central to religious and sacrificial rituals but were heavily controlled by the state, often used to reinforce political authority during public ceremonies (Carod-Artal, 2015).

In each case, psychoactive substances, once widely accessible and communally integrated, became tools of institutional control, stripped of their earlier egalitarian and sacred contexts.

The later alignment of religious and political power further intensified the suppression of shamanic traditions. In medieval Europe, for example, Christian authorities systematically destroyed entheogenic practices, associating them with witchcraft and paganism. Witch hunts and inquisitions targeted those who continued ancient traditions involving psychoactive substances, framing such practices as heretical threats to centralized authority (Levack, 1987).

Riane Eisler’s The Chalice and the Blade underscores how patriarchal dominator cultures dismantled egalitarian practices, replacing them with hierarchical religious systems that demanded conformity and obedience (Eisler, 1987). The transition from participatory, shamanic traditions to institutionalized religions marked a loss of personal and communal autonomy in spiritual matters. Direct, transformative experiences with psychoactive substances were replaced by mediated rituals controlled by priestly elites.

The emergence of states also had profound ecological and psychological implications. Agricultural intensification, driven by state economies, led to deforestation, soil degradation, and large-scale exploitation of natural resources. These ecological changes mirrored the hierarchical domination of individuals within increasingly stratified societies (Scott, 2017). The earlier harmonious relationship with nature characteristic of forager societies was disrupted, replaced by an instrumental view of the environment as a resource to be controlled.

Psychologically, the transition to state societies fostered feelings of alienation and disconnection. The communal frameworks that had supported individual well-being in forager societies gave way to rigid hierarchies, where one's position was often dictated by birth rather than personal or communal contribution. Spiritual practices, now institutionalized, often emphasized submission and repentance rather than personal transformation and communal bonding.

The centralization of power within states permanently altered human relationships with psychoactive substances. By monopolizing access and framing certain substances as threats, early states set the stage for the stigmatization and criminalization of psychoactive use in later historical contexts. This dynamic persists in modern societies, where regulatory frameworks often reflect a legacy of hierarchical control rather than harm reduction or communal well-being.

The historical tension between state authority and individual autonomy in substance use remains a critical area of inquiry. Understanding how early states reshaped spiritual and psychoactive practices can illuminate contemporary challenges in addressing addiction, harm reduction, and the reintegration of sacred substances into therapeutic and communal contexts.

This revised section includes historical detail, theoretical depth, and key citations. It integrates anthropological, historical, and sociological perspectives to offer a nuanced analysis of how state formation reshaped human relationships with psychoactive substances and spirituality. 

THE PHARMACRATIC INQUISITION

Jonathan Ott’s concept of the Pharmacratic Inquisition encapsulates the systematic suppression of entheogenic substances and their sacred traditions by religious and political authorities. According to Ott, this inquisition represents a deliberate effort to marginalize practices that facilitated direct, experiential contact with the divine. For Ott, the destruction of the temple at Eleusis by Alaric’s Goths in 396 CE serves as a pivotal symbol of this suppression. The rites at Eleusis, a cornerstone of Greco-Roman spirituality for nearly two millennia, involved the ingestion of the psychoactive kykeon, a sacrament believed to induce transformative spiritual experiences. The temple's destruction not only ended these practices but also attempted to erase their spiritual and cultural legacy (Ott, 1996).

Ott argues that the Christian Church, lacking an authentic entheogenic sacrament, sought to replace experiential spirituality with hierarchical dogma and institutional authority. The suppression of sacred inebriants was accompanied by campaigns of persecution, particularly during the Inquisition, targeting those who practiced indigenous healing traditions, folk religions, and entheogenic spirituality. Direct communion with the divine was deemed heretical unless mediated by the Church, a restriction that severed humanity’s longstanding connection to the transformative power of sacred plants.

Historical Examples of Suppression

The pharmacratic inquisition unfolded across multiple historical contexts, systematically dismantling entheogenic traditions:

• Medieval Europe: Women who acted as midwives, herbalists, or folk healers—often labeled as witches—were targeted for their knowledge of psychoactive plants. The Malleus Maleficarum (1487), a manual for witch-hunting, explicitly associated such practices with sorcery and heresy. Psychoactive substances like belladonna, henbane, and datura, often used in healing or divination, were demonized as tools of the devil (Levack, 1987).

• The Americas: European colonization brought the Inquisition to the New World, where indigenous practices involving substances like peyote, ayahuasca, and coca leaves were suppressed. Spanish colonizers condemned these plants as demonic, banning their use and criminalizing indigenous spiritual traditions (Carod-Artal, 2015).

• The Destruction of Eleusis: The Christian Church condemned the Mystery Rites of Eleusis and their psychoactive sacraments as pagan and idolatrous. The replacement of the kykeon with the Eucharist—a non-psychoactive symbol—illustrates the broader shift from transformative to symbolic sacraments.

These campaigns did more than suppress practices; they stigmatized the plants themselves, embedding a legacy of fear and prohibition that persists in contemporary drug policies.

Legacy of the Pharmacratic Inquisition

The psychological and cultural consequences of the pharmacratic inquisition are far-reaching. By severing humanity’s connection to the sacred use of entheogens, these campaigns contributed to the alienation and spiritual disconnection that characterize much of modern life. Ott contends that the suppression of entheogens marks the loss of polyphasic consciousness—the recognition of multiple states of awareness as valid sources of knowledge and spiritual insight (Ott, 1996). This narrowing of human spirituality has fostered a predominantly monophasic worldview, rooted in ordinary waking consciousness and often disconnected from deeper existential meaning.

The pharmacratic inquisition’s influence extends into the modern era. The War on Drugs, steeped in moralistic and prohibitionist ideologies, can be seen as its contemporary manifestation. Entheogens, despite their therapeutic and spiritual potential, remain marginalized and criminalized under legal frameworks that perpetuate fear and misinformation. This suppression not only hinders scientific research but also denies individuals access to tools that could facilitate healing and personal growth.

Reclaiming Entheogenic Traditions

Efforts to reclaim the legacy of entheogenic traditions are gaining momentum in both scientific and spiritual contexts. Contemporary research into psychedelics is rediscovering their potential for treating conditions like PTSD, depression, and addiction (Carhart-Harris & Nutt, 2017). Simultaneously, grassroots movements advocating for the decriminalization of entheogens emphasize their role in fostering spiritual and communal well-being.

Understanding the pharmacratic inquisition helps contextualize the historical marginalization of entheogens and underscores the importance of reintegrating these substances into contemporary culture. By examining this legacy, we can challenge prohibitionist ideologies and explore new frameworks for safe and sacred substance use.

COLONIALISM AND ITS IMPACT ON GLOBAL SUBSTANCE USE

Colonialism profoundly reshaped global patterns of substance use, production, and regulation. By examining the intersections of colonial power, economics, and culture, we can better understand how colonial systems fundamentally transformed the relationship between psychoactive substances and the societies that used them. These transformations disrupted traditional practices, commodified sacred substances, and imposed prohibitionist ideologies that continue to influence contemporary drug policies.

Colonial powers often exploited indigenous psychoactive substances for economic and political gain. Substances that were integral to spiritual and communal practices in pre-colonial societies became commodities in global trade networks. For example:

• Coca and Cocaine: Indigenous Andean peoples had long used coca leaves for their medicinal and spiritual properties. Chewing coca was deeply embedded in rituals and daily life, aiding physical endurance and fostering communal connections. However, European colonizers extracted and commodified coca, leading to the production of cocaine as a lucrative export. The sacred plant was reframed as a dangerous drug under colonial law, severing its spiritual and cultural significance.

• Opium: British imperial policies in India and China illustrate the commodification of substances for colonial profit. The British East India Company monopolized opium production in India, exporting it to China despite its harmful effects on Chinese society. The Opium Wars (1839–1842, 1856–1860) exemplify how colonial powers used substance trade as a tool of geopolitical dominance, disregarding its devastating social consequences.

• Tobacco: Indigenous peoples in the Americas had used tobacco ceremonially for centuries. Colonial powers transformed it into a global commodity, establishing plantations in the Americas that relied on enslaved labor. The industrial production of tobacco reshaped its use, reducing its sacred significance and embedding it within capitalist markets.

Colonial regimes systematically suppressed indigenous practices involving psychoactive substances, framing them as immoral or uncivilized. This suppression often aligned with religious and political goals:

• Ayahuasca and Other Entheogens: In the Amazon, indigenous use of ayahuasca and other entheogens was demonized by missionaries who sought to eradicate shamanic traditions. These practices, which had facilitated communal healing and spiritual exploration for centuries, were replaced by Christian rituals that emphasized obedience to colonial authority.

• Coca Leaf Prohibition: In the Andes, Spanish colonizers initially permitted coca use among indigenous laborers in mining operations, recognizing its role in sustaining physical endurance. However, as colonial administrations consolidated power, they began criminalizing coca use outside controlled contexts, framing it as a symbol of indigenous resistance to colonial rule.

• Cannabis in Africa and India: Colonial administrators in Africa and India imposed restrictions on traditional cannabis use, labeling it a cause of indolence and deviance. In many cases, these restrictions served to enforce labor discipline and suppress local cultures.

The colonial project also laid the foundation for contemporary prohibitionist drug policies. By framing certain substances as threats to social order, colonial powers established regulatory frameworks that persist today:

• Racialized Narratives: Substances associated with colonized peoples were often stigmatized through racialized narratives. For instance, opium use was criminalized among Chinese laborers in North America, while its medicinal use among white populations remained largely unregulated. Similarly, cannabis was demonized as a "native drug" in African and Caribbean colonies, leading to disproportionate policing of marginalized groups.

• Global Narcotics Treaties: Early 20th-century international agreements, such as the Hague Opium Convention (1912), were influenced by colonial priorities. These treaties sought to control the production and distribution of substances like opium and coca, reflecting the interests of imperial powers rather than the needs of indigenous communities.

The legacy of colonialism continues to shape global substance use and regulation. Many contemporary drug laws retain the prohibitionist frameworks established during the colonial era, perpetuating social inequalities and hindering efforts to integrate traditional wisdom into modern practices. For example:

• The criminalization of coca leaves in international drug policy disregards their cultural and medicinal significance in Andean societies, perpetuating the marginalization of indigenous peoples.

• The stigmatization of cannabis, rooted in colonial narratives, continues to influence legal and social attitudes, even as many countries move toward decriminalization.

In recent years, there has been growing recognition of the need to reclaim traditional practices and challenge the colonial legacies of prohibitionist policies. Efforts to integrate substances like ayahuasca, peyote, and psilocybin into therapeutic and spiritual contexts reflect this shift. 

These initiatives emphasize:

• Cultural Preservation: Supporting indigenous communities in preserving their sacred practices and resisting commodification.

• Policy Reform: Advocating for drug policies that respect cultural diversity and prioritize harm reduction over criminalization.

• Therapeutic Innovation: Drawing on traditional knowledge to inform modern approaches to substance use, including psychedelic therapy and holistic harm reduction models.

Colonialism’s impact on global substance use extends far beyond the historical exploitation and suppression of indigenous practices. Its legacies persist in contemporary drug policies, shaping how societies perceive and regulate psychoactive substances. By critically examining these histories, we can begin to dismantle prohibitionist frameworks and foster more inclusive and equitable approaches to substance use. Reclaiming the sacred and communal dimensions of these substances offers a pathway toward healing the historical wounds of colonialism and creating a more just future.

MODERNITY: ALIENATION AND COMMODIFICATION OF SUBSTANCE USE

The rise of modernity, defined by the Industrial Revolution, capitalism, and urbanization, marked a decisive rupture in humanity’s relationship with psychoactive substances. These profound transformations introduced new assemblages—dynamic networks of material, expressive, and social components—that shaped the production, distribution, and consumption of substances. In this era, substances were stripped of their sacred and communal contexts, commodified as products, and implicated in systems of alienation and addiction.

Modernity transformed psychoactive substances from sacred tools embedded in communal practices into commodities manufactured and distributed for profit. The industrial production of alcohol, tobacco, and opium accelerated during the 18th and 19th centuries, spurred by technological advancements and the expansion of global trade networks. This commodification process constituted a new assemblage, with:

• Material components: Substances (e.g., distilled spirits, cigarettes) standardized for mass production.

• Expressive components: Advertising and branding, which shaped cultural perceptions of substances as desirable commodities.

• Territorializing forces: Capitalist systems that promoted profit-driven production and consumption, often disregarding the social or health consequences.

For example, the industrialization of the British opium trade and its role in the Opium Wars with China highlights how substances became deeply entwined with colonial exploitation and geopolitical conflict (Marks, 1999).

Modernity’s social and economic conditions disrupted the traditional frameworks that once mediated substance use. Karl Marx’s concept of alienation (Marx, 1844) is crucial here, describing how industrial capitalism estranged individuals from their labor, communities, and even their own identities. The factory system replaced cooperative and meaningful work with monotonous and exploitative labor, fostering psychological disconnection.

In these conditions, psychoactive substances often served as escapist tools. The absence of communal and ritual frameworks left individuals vulnerable to compulsive patterns of use, with addiction emerging as a distinctly modern phenomenon. This aligns with John Zerzan’s notion of the “mass psychology of misery” (Zerzan, 1994), which describes how industrial life exacerbates existential distress, driving individuals toward substances as a form of solace.

Modernity’s substance use patterns can be understood through assemblages that integrated material, expressive, and social elements:

• Material components: Synthetic drugs such as morphine, cocaine, and heroin, developed during the pharmaceutical revolution of the 19th century, were initially celebrated as medical breakthroughs but soon recognized for their addictive potential (Courtwright, 2001).

• Expressive components: Moral panics and prohibitionist discourses, such as those promoted by temperance movements, stigmatized substances and users, framing addiction as a moral failing rather than a socio-economic phenomenon (Ott, 1996).

• Social components: Urbanization, poverty, and the dissolution of traditional communities created environments of alienation that facilitated problematic substance use.

Assemblages of modernity thus reveal how addiction is not merely a biomedical condition but an emergent property of interconnected social, economic, and cultural forces (Duff, 2014).

Prohibitionist Ideologies and the State

The modern state played a central role in regulating and criminalizing substance use. The temperance movements of the 19th century, which culminated in the U.S. Prohibition era (1920–1933), exemplify how substances became moral battlegrounds. Prohibitionist policies often relied on racialized and class-based narratives, disproportionately targeting marginalized groups while leaving elite consumption largely unregulated (Alexander, 2008).

Jonathan Ott’s concept of “drug war ideologies” (Ott, 1996) highlights how prohibitionist policies constructed substances as social and moral threats. These ideologies served to reinforce state power, criminalizing behaviors that deviated from industrial norms of productivity and social order.

Medicalization and Commodification

The 20th century saw the rise of the pharmaceutical industry, which medicalized psychoactive substances. Drugs such as benzodiazepines, antidepressants, and stimulants were marketed as solutions to the anxieties and discontents of modern life. This medicalization represented a new assemblage:

• Material components: Synthetic drugs developed and patented by pharmaceutical corporations.

• Expressive components: Scientific rhetoric and marketing campaigns emphasizing therapeutic benefits while minimizing risks.

• Social components: The transformation of emotional and psychological challenges into medical conditions requiring pharmaceutical interventions.

While these substances alleviated some suffering, their commodification blurred the lines between therapeutic use and dependency, exemplified by the contemporary opioid crisis (Dasgupta et al., 2018).

Countercultures and the Search for Meaning

Amid the alienation and commodification of modernity, countercultural movements emerged, seeking to reclaim the transformative potential of psychoactive substances. The 1960s psychedelic renaissance, led by figures like Timothy Leary and Aldous Huxley, challenged industrialized frameworks of substance use. Drawing inspiration from indigenous traditions, these movements emphasized “set and setting” as crucial to meaningful experiences (Zinberg, 1984).

Contemporary psychedelic therapy represents a continuation of these countercultural impulses, integrating traditional wisdom with modern therapeutic practices. This resurgence challenges the dominant assemblages of modernity, proposing new configurations that prioritize intentionality, community, and healing.

Modernity’s complex relationship with psychoactive substances reflects broader tensions between commodification, alienation, and the search for meaning. By examining the assemblages that define this era, we gain insight into the historical roots of contemporary substance use patterns and addiction crises. Understanding these dynamics underscores the need for alternative approaches that integrate the sacred, communal, and transformative dimensions of substance use, offering pathways to reclaim what was lost in the rupture of modernity.

LATE MODERNITY: GLOBALIZATION, NEOLIBERALISM, AND THE ADDICTION CRISIS

Late modernity, spanning from the post-World War II era to the present, is defined by the forces of globalization, neoliberal economic policies, and the rapid advancement of information technologies. This era has brought profound transformations to the production, distribution, and consumption of psychoactive substances, creating new challenges and exacerbating existing patterns of addiction and alienation.

Globalization has fundamentally reshaped the drug trade, creating vast transnational networks of production and distribution. These networks facilitate the widespread availability of both natural and synthetic substances. Synthetic drugs, such as fentanyl and its analogs, have amplified public health crises due to their potency, ease of production, and low cost. Fentanyl, for instance, is 50–100 times more potent than morphine, making it particularly lethal in overdose scenarios (Dasgupta et al., 2018).

Digital platforms, including the dark web, have further transformed drug markets. Online marketplaces enable users to purchase substances anonymously, bypassing traditional law enforcement and complicating efforts to regulate illegal drug trade (Aldridge & Décary-Hétu, 2016). This digital assemblage—comprising substances, technological infrastructures, and global networks—has created a more diffuse and challenging landscape for policymakers and public health officials.

Neoliberalism, with its focus on individual responsibility and market-driven solutions, has intensified the addiction crisis in late modernity. Economic insecurity, precarious employment, and the erosion of social safety nets leave individuals vulnerable to substance use as a coping mechanism (Bauman, 2000). Within this framework, addiction is often framed as a personal failure rather than a systemic issue, reinforcing stigmatization and limiting access to effective interventions.

The commodification of healthcare under neoliberal policies exacerbates these issues. For example, the over-prescription of opioids like OxyContin was driven by aggressive marketing campaigns and profit motives, rather than patient well-being (Van Zee, 2009). This dynamic created a cycle of dependency, as pharmaceutical companies reaped financial gains while communities faced devastating public health consequences. The opioid epidemic, which claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, exemplifies how late modernity’s assemblages of addiction intertwine economic imperatives with human suffering.

The proliferation of synthetic recreational drugs, such as "spice" (synthetic cannabinoids) and MDMA, highlights the evolving challenges of drug regulation. These substances, often engineered to circumvent existing laws, reflect the dynamic and adaptable nature of drug assemblages in late modernity. Governments struggle to keep pace with the rapid introduction of new chemical variants, leading to gaps in regulatory frameworks and delayed public health responses (EMCDDA, 2022).

The addiction crisis in late modernity emerges from complex assemblages of material, social, and expressive components:

• Material components: Synthetic substances, digital platforms, and global supply chains.

• Social components: Economic insecurity, disconnection from traditional social structures, and inadequate healthcare systems.

• Expressive components: Stigmatizing narratives around addiction, neoliberal ideologies emphasizing personal responsibility, and sensationalist media coverage.

These assemblages highlight how addiction is not an individual pathology but a systemic phenomenon shaped by overlapping global, local, and technological forces (Duff, 2014).

In response to the addiction crisis, harm reduction strategies have emerged as effective and compassionate alternatives to punitive drug policies. Programs such as needle exchanges, supervised injection sites, and opioid substitution therapies aim to minimize the health risks associated with substance use. Portugal’s 2001 decision to decriminalize all drugs offers a compelling model, demonstrating that decriminalization can significantly reduce overdose deaths, improve public health outcomes, and shift resources from enforcement to treatment (Hughes & Stevens, 2010).

Amid the addiction crisis, the resurgence of interest in psychedelics represents a countercultural and scientific shift. Modern research on substances like psilocybin and MDMA has shown their potential to treat conditions such as PTSD, depression, and addiction (Carhart-Harris et al., 2018). These developments challenge decades of prohibitionist stigma and suggest that psychoactive substances, when used within therapeutic frameworks, can play a transformative role in addressing mental health and addiction.

Late modernity’s addiction crisis is deeply entwined with globalization, neoliberalism, and technological change. Understanding addiction through the lens of assemblages reveals how these forces intersect to shape patterns of substance use and dependency. By integrating harm reduction, therapeutic innovation, and a renewed respect for the sacred and communal dimensions of psychoactive substances, societies can develop more balanced and compassionate approaches to substance use. Addressing the structural inequalities and cultural disconnections that drive addiction will be essential to creating sustainable and humane solutions in the 21st century.

CONCLUSION

This paper has argued that addiction is a distinctly modern phenomenon, emerging from the profound societal transformations that characterize modernity. By examining human relationships with psychoactive substances across historical contexts, I have advanced a "Critical Drug Use Theory" that links patterns of substance use to the underlying economic and social structures—or "modes of production"—that define each era. This approach highlights how humanity's innate drive to alter consciousness has been continuously adapted to changing economic and cultural circumstances.

In the foraging societies that defined at least 90% of human history, psychoactive plants were integral to communal and spiritual life. These "entheogens" served as sacred sacraments in shamanistic traditions across the globe, facilitating healing, divination, and social cohesion. As Michael Winkelman (2010) and others have demonstrated, these societies practiced controlled use, embedding substance consumption within rituals and communal frameworks that minimized harm and maximized spiritual and social benefits. The ecological intimacy and collective ethos of foraging societies provided the psychological wholeness and social support that prevented addiction as we understand it today.

The Neolithic Revolution and the rise of agricultural societies marked a turning point. The hierarchical structures and property relations introduced by agriculture redefined human relationships to one another and to the earth. Where foragers saw themselves as part of an interconnected ecological web, agricultural societies increasingly viewed nature as a resource to be controlled and exploited. This shift extended to psychoactive substances, which were often appropriated by elites or demonized under patriarchal religious systems, as Riane Eisler (1987) has argued. The suppression of shamanic traditions during this period disrupted the sacred frameworks that had once guided substance use, laying the groundwork for future forms of alienation.

Modernity, with its industrial and capitalist modes of production, brought further disruptions. Urbanization, the commodification of labor, and the dissolution of traditional communities created unprecedented levels of social and psychological disconnection. Karl Marx's concept of alienation is particularly relevant here, describing the estrangement individuals experience from their labor, communities, and even themselves in industrial societies. Psychoactive substances, stripped of their sacred and communal contexts, became commodities consumed in isolation, often as maladaptive responses to the alienation and misery of modern life (Zinberg, 1984; Ott, 1995).

Addicts can be understood as misguided shamans, driven by an unacknowledged thirst for wholeness and sacred experience. In their pursuit of altered states, they unconsciously echo the ancient practices of foragers and shamans, seeking to transcend the alienation of modern life. However, without the guiding frameworks of ritual, community, and sacred intention, their journeys often lead to harm rather than healing. As Baudelaire noted in his reflections on artificial paradises, such pursuits represent both a transgression of societal norms and a deep yearning for spiritual and existential fulfillment.

A genealogy of addiction reveals not only the historical forces that have shaped its emergence but also the possibilities for reclaiming lost traditions of controlled and sacred substance use. Contemporary movements to integrate psychedelics into therapeutic and spiritual contexts represent a potential bridge between ancient wisdom and modern needs. By reintroducing concepts like "set and setting" (Zinberg, 1984) and drawing on the communal and integrative practices of indigenous cultures, these efforts offer pathways for addressing the addiction crisis with compassion and insight.

Addiction cannot be reduced to individual pathology or chemical dependence. It is a systemic phenomenon deeply rooted in the structures of modern society, reflecting the alienation, disconnection, and commodification that characterize late modernity. Addressing addiction requires not only reforming drug policies but also reimagining our economic, social, and spiritual frameworks. By understanding the historical and cultural dimensions of substance use, we can begin to envision alternative approaches that honor humanity's innate drive to alter consciousness while fostering connection, balance, and meaning.

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